Constructing Food Sovereignty – Report-back from the 8th CLOC Congress

The morning haze cannot fully conceal the power of the sun in balmy Morelos. Hundreds of us stand, our numbers growing as more trickle in to witness that morning’s mystica. Mexica dancers move to a reverberating drum beat, the seedpods on their ankles rattling in rhythm. I feel the vibrations in my chest. The dancers move in a circular pattern around an offering of fruits, vegetables, campesino working tools like the machete, a shovel; flowers and medicinal herbs surround a lit bowl of copal. Extending from this altar in a radial pattern like petals are overlapping flags representing our many countries and organizations. Welcome to all of us willing to do the work, welcome to our ancestors who have brought us to where we are, welcome to the future generations who will take up where we leave off.

This December 1st – 10th marked the 8th Congress of CLOC (Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo) – LVC (La Via Campesina). I had the honor to be one of the seven delegates from North America to attend the conference, and know it as my responsibility to share my experience.

For some background, the CLOC is an organization made up of member organizations across  Latin America, which represents small-scale farmers, campesinos (translated to English as “peasants”), indigenous folks and community members who live in rural territories. You can learn more at https://cloc-viacampesina.net/ (in Spanish). For more information on La Via Campesina, you can visit https://viacampesina.org/en/ (in English)

My name is Samson Srok, I’m a farmworker and a farm manager apprentice for a diversified veggie farm in Madison, Wisconsin. I see agriculture as an inherently political act and food sovereignty as the liberation tool. I was first exposed to LVC through FFD almost a decade ago and have been involved for two years. I learned my Spanish living in rural Ecuador for about nine months over a decade ago, living with campesinos.

I came to the Congress with open ears and an eager energy – ready to listen, bring back inspiration, to boster our struggles by learning from our comrades’ successes. To be quite frank, what a part of me was really craving were answers. Clear next steps. There must be some PowerPoint slides which detail, “this is what you do.” Unfortunately, this specific presentation was not held at the congress this year, or if it was I apologize as I must have slipped out for that portion.

When I am working in the field on a hot summer day, as well as when I’m in a room trying to make communal decisions with other passionate folks, I am reminded: doing the real work is hard, but with commitment and good strategy, it is possible.

First, to highlight the structure of the gathering itself. To bring together many individuals all active in their own territories to connect to one another and contemplate the global structural pieces which bind us is profound. Logistically, it’s also very cumbersome, and lacks a standard methodology to follow. Internationalism or true multiculturalism in a non-capitalist/non-imperialist context is uncharted waters for all of us.

A movement which has the power to transform oppressive systems must center the voices of those most oppressed. These are the identities to be placed in leadership roles. To build such a strong foundation is also the most difficult, those most marginalized are systematically disempowered, face the strongest tangible barriers to being in activism, and will be subject to criticism from both their oppressors as well as allies that haven’t unlearned sexist, racist, colonialist views. Creating a radical movement led by campesinos requires a slow pace. The drum beat of progress must allow us all to tune in to each other, and there’s a lot of us.

I was one of many individuals actively in formación, a Spanish word meaning training or formation, learning hands-on by making connections, asking questions and sharing context. The identities of those present spanned generations. Some grew up in rural communities, others in cities, from Patagonia up to Canada. How do so many different people begin to organize themselves to discuss systematic change together?

At the gathering, the structures elected to organize ourselves were primarily identity-based assemblies and issue-specific roundtables. The first four days of the gathering were these assemblies – the Assembly of Diversities (referring to gender and sexuality), the Assembly of Young People, and the Assembly of Women (two days).

Prioritizing these identities in the construction of a food sovereignty movement, ideally, roots feminism as a core foundation to the work and offers strong invitations to young people and queer people to join the movement.

An essential question that was asked loudly and visibly during the congress was why aren’t there assemblies for other oppressed identities whose perspectives are foundational to the movement – specifically for afro-descendent populations and indigenous people.  If we recognize the utility of making intentional spaces for specific identities, why would this stop at just women, youth, and gender & sexuality diversity? More assemblies also mean more logistics to navigate and more work for regional coordinators – although what knowledge might we lose, what folks will we not draw in if we are not intentional about inviting them? I believe the CLOC’s further exploration of the question of additional assemblies will bring new insight into the purpose of these assemblies, and a deeper understanding of intersectionality in theory and practice.

This was the first ever assembly of diversities, thanks to many years of discussion, informal meetings, and petitioning of the CLOC leadership. As a queer and trans person myself, who was expecting to hear stories of intolerance and discrimination, I was still shocked to hear the violent transphobic and homophobic attacks that my kin experience in parts of Latin America still. Being attacked, killed, or forcibly displaced from my home for being queer are experiences I never expect to face in the United States, but this violence is still happening across our globe. It is radical for an organization which represents rural communities to uplift LGBTQIA+ voices. Similar to how feminist theory makes our entire movement stronger by having us question dominant structures, queer liberation theory can provide us similar tools.

The coalition who coordinated the diversities assemblies led with strong direction. Their declaration presented at the end of the gathering offered concrete action steps for bolstering the diversities collective, a strong beginning for what I hope will be an influential collective in the movement.

In the youth assembly, an overarching tone of our discussions was a pervasive sense of hopelessness felt in our communities.

At one point, a Haitian comrade sang a song about the feeling of futility in struggle,

this song coming from the same tradition of slave songs in the US south. The tone and repetition from the singer did not command us to shrivel in despair, but rather to experience catharsis. The melody providing a safe place to feel the depth of the pain and the space to process it into motivation for how we will fight against.

The night after the youth assembly, I had dinner with a Colombian comrade who had been displaced from her family’s land. Paramilitaries that had turned into armed gangs were violently changing the territory she had lived in for generations. But as this violence continued, the community didn’t just stand by to watch, instead forming local resistance. She spoke of how in the face of forced evictions, the whole community, hundreds of people, will come together to occupy the land and show a united front against their aggressors. This has allowed more community members to keep their land, and allowed all involved to feel some hope.

Over time in Colombia, many communities who understand their unity as their strength have banded together, creating el Congreso de los Pueblos, a national solidarity organization to protect land rights and provide a voice for neighbors that individually could not make a strong difference. In one region of the country, this organization sponsored a local legislator, who won the election and has been able to create and change laws to serve the people. This is systems change from grassroots organizations.

This perhaps is the other side of the hopelessness – the phenomenon that with more repression comes more resistance. Many stories I heard from delegates were tales of communities uniting and coalition offering ways forward to protect rights, gain ground, survive, and change tides. This is a crucial ethos we must cultivate in the United States in the face of rising fascism. Furthermore, the energy and imagination of young people is essential for such unity to rise up.

During the women’s assembly, a separate space was designated for the men to discuss masculinity in the context of a feminist movement. There is a connection between how feminism is presented in the mainstream with a disillusionment from men as they attempt to understand their role in a more equal world. I see us in an acute moment of needing to have more discussion with men to transform feelings of being pushed out and no longer useful into understanding that a world with more gender equality is liberating to every one of us.

As the four days of assemblies came to an end, we moved locations from Mexico City to Morelos and welcomed in hundreds more campesinos, small scale farmers, and citizens in the struggle for the four days of the congress. The topics that had caught my attention in the assemblies were further fleshed out in the congress, and the two I’d like to share on are migration and of the importance of growing political and class consciousness in our communities.

Migration was discussed at every day of the gathering, formally and informally. It is a direct consequence of the empire’s structure. Manufacturing global inequality to grow wealth in the Western World results in the reality that one is economically better off living in the Western world. The legacy of colonialism and US military and political invention to sabotage attempts at sovereignty has created the foundations for the corruption that plagues many of the Latin American countries present at the gathering, with campesinos and traditional ways of living being the most affected.

These things, I knew. However, to hear folks from across the continent speak on how this migration has personally touched them brought a new depth to my understanding. A man my age from the Dominican Republic shared that 70% of his peers have migrated from his community. To imagine even just seven of my ten closest friends seeing no option for their future other than to leave the United States, separate from family, and opt to enter a world of informal employment without legal status, put their life in danger with no assurance that they could someday return is harrowing.

The vast majority of the people I spoke with had stories of friends and children, especially, who had migrated. The reality of a separated family means missing the birth of children, the death of grandparents, being unable to celebrate or grieve together. An entire generation born outside of their homeland, wishing but unable to connect to their culture. An economic order which compels families to be torn apart is violent. And of course, the forced turn to individualism is exactly what the capitalist system wants.

The banking industry directly benefits from the money sent home in remittances, receiving a cut. Migration, a horror for the family and a draining of the future of rural communities, is a boon for the financial sector.

A newer layer to this issue is how the Trump administration employs the racist rhetoric to make migrants a scapegoat and distract from his ineffective governance. Vilifying the migrant population provides excuses to increase police and military presence in our communities to normalize their presence, increase their scope, insight fear, and discourage organizing. All these pieces serve to strengthen the rise of facism in our country.

I gained great insight into the phenomenon of migration as I learned how the many gears of the apparatus turn together to oppress communities at all levels. We need to popularize education about the systemic nature and scope of the violence of migration. International solidarity can empower US citizens to understand what is actually happening and encourages mobilization.

Growing political and class consciousness is a basis to stoke a mass movement. In Via, the Spanish word that synthesis this type of learning is called “formación” (translates as formation, training). The way that attending the congress enhanced my personal understanding of migration is an example of this. Hearing personal narratives and connecting these with the historical context and data I already knew motivates me in my activism. Formación is critical for our movement – learning how the mechanisms of the system works is the first step to changing those mechanisms.

The importance of formación and the struggles to facilitate it were repeated throughout the gathering. The difficulty of having individuals travel for a workshop, or lack of funds and resources to bring teachers to the community, the habit of having the same people attend the same events, a lack of strategy for outreach, the lack of experts in our communities to teach what we need to learn. Capitalism creates additional barriers that make attending popular education more difficult – you can’t join a weeknight class to learn about abolition if you have to work 50 hours a week just to make rent and feed your kids.

I hope to be involved with the committee for formación in the North American region of LVC. If you feel passionate about this, especially if you have experience to share and a want to help us form effective methodology, I implore you to join our region. While the result is communal, the effort comes from each individual willing to give their time and energy.

There is much more I have to share about what I learned at this gathering. I’ve only written about two of the seven issues selected for roundtable discussions during the conference, and there’s other connections and conversations I had outside of the formal gathering that were impactful to me. I will continue to write about these reflections as the year goes along. Make sure to sign up for our e-newsletter (link on our website) and follow our Facebook page if you’re interested in hearing more.

With this, I strongly encourage more individuals to join us. The North American region of La Via Campesina is still in the beginning stages of reconstruction, and our journey toward liberation, solidarity, and food sovereignty needs your talents. There are coming opportunities for farmer exchanges, learning in other parts of the world, and joining our official delegation. The best ways to get involved are to email familyfarmdefenders@yahoo.com to join our monthly international solidarity calls. You can also contact me personally at samsrok@gmail.com if you want to learn more.

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Big Data is a Bad Idea! Why AI Factory Farms Will Not Save Rural America

By: John E. Peck, executive director, Family Farm Defenders

Published by Common Dreams, Jan. 12, 2026

One word – plastics. That was the golden grail that Dustin Hoffman learned about from some well wisher in the movie the Graduate. I remember watching the film as a farm kid and thinking about the updated version I was being told by my guidance counselors – one word: computers. We are now in the midst of the “Fourth Industrial Revolution” and the latest mantra is: artificial intelligence (AI). Such free advice, though, could really be a costly warning in disguise.

Granted, there is a lot of poverty in the “richest” nation on earth, and marginalized U.S. communities often have few choices for economic (mal) development. It becomes a twisted game of pick your own poison: supermax prison, toxic waste dump, ethanol facility, tar sands pipeline… Now, AI data centers have been added to the limited menu. Someone recently shared a map of looming AI data centers across the world: https://www.datacentermap.com/ It reminded me of how a tumor spreads and Edward Abbey’s quote that “growth for the sake of growth is the ideology of the cancer cell.”

The fact that Big Data has targeted Rural America for its latest mastitis should be no surprise. We have lots of available land to grab, thanks to the legacy of settler colonialism and family farm foreclosure. Back in Aug. I remember driving past Beaver Dam and watching bulldozers flattening over 800 acres along Hwy 151 and my first hunch was: datacenter. Sure enough, the secretive $1 billion deal with Meta was finally revealed in a Nov. press release. Just north of Madison in the town of DeForest, Blackstone subsidiary, QTS Realty Trust, is aiming to build another $12 billion data center on close to 1600 acres. And if we need to free up more land for AI, we quaint rural folks could just abandon growing real Xmas trees and force people to buy plastic ones instead, as one Fox News “expert” suggested over the holidays. Pres. Biden visited Mt. Pleasant, WI in May 2024 to promote Microsoft’s new $3.3 billion 300+ acre AI campus on the former site of flat screen maker, Foxconn, that welcomed Pres. Trump for its groundbreaking back in 2018. Foxconn abandoned that $10 billion project and its 13,000 job promise, after getting millions in state subsidies and local tax deferrals.

The Microsoft AI complex in Mt. Pleasant will also require over 8 million gallons of water per year from Lake Michigan. We still have some clean water, though that may not last long thanks to agrochemical monocultures, CAFO manure dumping, and PFAS-laden sludge spreading. And AI certainly is thirsty – the Alliance for the Great Lakes noted in its Aug. 2025 report that a hyperscale AI datacenter needs up to 365 million gallons of water to keep itself cool – that is as much water as is needed by 12,000 people! A recent investigative report by Bloomberg News found that over two thirds of the AI data centers built since 2022 are in parts of the country already facing water stress. And it is really hard to drink data.

In the Midwest we also have potential access to vast electricity (fracked natural gas, wind and solar farms, methane digesters), and relatively under stressed high voltage grids (unlike CA or TX) though the loss of “cheaper” imported Canadian hydropower with the latest trade war could be a serious challenge. In 2023 the U.S. had over a $2 billion electricity trade deficit vis-a-vis Canada. According to a recent Clean Wisconsin report, just two of our proposed AI datacenters will require 3.9 gigawatts – 1.5 times the current power demand of all 4.3 million homes in the state. But, no worry, there are dilapidated U.S. nuclear reactors with massive waste dumps that could be put back online such as Palisades in MI, despite opposition from environmental activists and family farmers. The Trump administration also just announced a $1 billion low interest loan to reanimate Three Mile Island in PA for the sake of AI. Until all that happens, though, regular rate payers can expect a huge hike in their energy bills as Big Data has the market clout to siphon off what it needs first, especially as it colludes with utility monopolies. Many people in WI are already paying for $1+ billion in stranded assets – mostly defunct coal plants, as well as nuclear waste storage facilities – while utility investors continue to receive guaranteed dividends of 9 – 10%.

But is all the AI hype just another bubble about to burst? Rural communities (and public taxpayers) have been offered many “amazing” schemes in the past that ended up being just a “bait and switch” – another hollow promise. If we subsidize a massive data center, will the projected “market” for increasing algorithms actually come? Many within the AI industry don’t think so, and are now invoking the lessons we should have learned from the Enron scandal decades ago or the even worse sequel in the subprime mortgage fueled financial meltdown. Corporate cheerleaders can be quite clever when it comes to inflating prices (and stocks) for goods and services that may not even exist, while hiding their massive debt obligations in a whole cascading series of shadowy shell subsidiaries and dishonest accounting shenanigans.

Many industry insiders are ringing alarm bells. “These models are being hyped up, and we’re investing more than we should,” said Daron Acemoglu, who won the 2024 Nobel Economics Prize, quoted in a recent 11/23/25 NPR story about the current AI boom/bubble. OpenAI says it will spend $1.4 trillion on data centers over the next eight years, while Amazon, Google, Meta, and Microsoft are going to throw in another $400 billion. Meanwhile, just 3% of people who use AI now pay for it, and many are frantically trying to figure out how to turn off AI mode on their internet searches and to reject AI eavesdropping on their Zoom calls. Where is the real revenue going to come from to pay for all this AI speculation? The same NPR story notes that such a flood of leveraged capital is equal to every iPhone user on earth forking over $250 to “enjoy” the benefits of AI – and “that’s not going to happen,” adds Paul Kedrosky, a venture capitalist who is now a research fellow at MIT’s Institute for the Digital Economy. Morgan Stanley estimates AI companies will shell out $3 trillion by 2028 for this data center buildout – but less than 50% of that money will come from them. Hmmm…

Special purpose vehicle (SPV) may sound like a fancy name for a retrofitted tractor – but that is how Big Data is creating a Potemkin Village to hide their Ponzi Scheme. Here is one example from Richland Parish, Louisiana where Meta is now building its Hyperion Data Center – a massive $27 billion project. A Wall Street outfit, Blue Owl, borrows $27 billion, using Meta’s future rent payments for a data center to back up its loan. Meta’s 20% “mortgage” on the facility gives them 100% control of the purported data crunching from the facility. This debt never shows up on Meta’s books and remains hidden from carefree investors and shallow analysts – but like other synthetic financial instruments such as the now infamous mortgage backed security (MBS), the reality only comes home to roost when the house of cards collapses and Meta has to eventually payoff Blue Owl.

In the meantime as the LA Illuminator reports the residents of Richland Parish (where 25% live below the poverty level) are bearing the brunt of all the real costs of having an AI factory farm. Dozens of crashes involving construction vehicles, damage to local roads, massive future energy demands (three times that required for the entire city of New Orleans) which will entail new natural gas power plants to be built (subsidized by existing rate payers even as fossil fuel induced climate change floods the Louisiana delta). Beyond the initial building flurry, AI data centers are ultimately job poor. It just doesn’t take that many people to tend computers once they are built. As Meta’s VP, Brad Smith, admitted, the 250,000 sq ft. Hyperion data center may need 1500 workers to build but barely 50 to operate. Beyond all the ballyhoo, the main reason a particular community is chosen to “host” one seems to be based upon the bought duplicity of elected officials and the excessive generosity of local taxpayers. Not a good cost/benefit analysis – unless you are Big Data.

And then there are the questionable kickback schemes between the suppliers of the technology and those owning the data centers. If you are maker of computer chips, would you not be tempted to fork over capital to a major buyer of your own products to ensure future demand? Nvidia just announced a $100 billion stake in OpenAI to help bankroll the data centers. In turn OpenAI signed a $300 billion deal with Oracle to actually build the AI data centers that will require Nvidia’s graphics processing units (GPUs). Open AI also signed a separate $6+ billion deal with former BitCoin miner, CoreWeave, which rents out internet cloud access (using Nvidia’s chips once again). This type of incestuous circular financing should raise eyebrows to anyone who studies business ethics – and perhaps remind others of how a toilet operates.

What is all this AI doing? Promoters will point to many innovations – faster screening for cancer cells, closer connection to far flung relatives, precision application of fertilizers and pesticides, elimination of drudgery in the workplace through automation. A bright future indeed – or perhaps not?

In Aug. 2025 ProPublica reported that the FDA had lost 20% of its staff devoted to food safety thanks to DOGE cuts. Inspection of food import facilities is now at historic low even as our dependence on the rest of the world to feed us grows. But not to worry, the FDA announced in May that AI was coming to the rescue thanks to a large language model (LLM) – dubbed Elsa – that would be deployed alongside what’s left of its human staff to expedite their oversight work. Hopefully, Elsa knows melamine when it sees it. AI Chatbots are also growing in popularity and available 24/7 to “talk/advise” people on all sorts of pressing issues – how to win more friends, how to cheat on this exam, how to make-up fake legal opinions, even encouraging a teenager to commit suicide and suggesting to someone else that they murder their own parents.

But there is an even dirtier AI underbelly. Some have dubbed these AI slop, AI smut, and AI stazi – three 21st century horsemen of the digital apocalypse. What is this all about? Well, a lot of these accelerating AI algorithms are actually devoted to selling “products” that many people do not want and would find objectionable, as well as providing “services” that undermine our basic freedoms. Slop (Merriam Webster’s word of 2025) is used to describe when AI generates internet content that is only meant to make money through advertising. Right now there are thousands of wannabe internet “creatives” all over the globe, watching “how to videos” to manufacture AI social media to grab the eyeballs of U.S. consumers. That cute puppy video you see on Instagram or that shocking “news” story you read on Facebook is not by accident – the goal is to monetize clicks per thousand (cost per mille – CPM) where advertisers pay for how much their ad is viewed online. This is also why online content is often overly long (where is the actual recipe in this cooking blog?) since that increases ad scrolling. The average U.S. consumer is now subject to between 6,000 and 10,000 ads per day – 70% of which are online. For more on AI slop, visit: https://www.visibrain.com/blog/ai-slop-social-media

An even worse virtual commodity is AI smut – literally algorithms creating pornography. This perverted version of AI scraps the internet for images (high school yearbooks, red carpet fashion shows, popular music concerts, street cam footage, etc.) and then uses “face swap” programs to create personalized hardcore rubbish. There is little if any accountability for this theft of public images and violation of personal privacy – at best those involved are “shamed” into taking down their AI sites after being exposed due to fears of liability and prosecution for child abuse. But that has hardly stopped this seedy AI subsector. Can you imagine your face/image being put into such a lucrative sexploitative scenario without your permission? At this point, there are hardly any internet police walking the beat in the virtual AI world. We don’t even have the right to be forgotten on the internet.

Which brings us to AI stazi – the updated version of the Cold War era East German secret police. UW-Madison just announced the creation of a College of Computing and Artificial Intelligence (CAI), in part thanks to a $140 million donation from Cisco. Few Bucky Badger fans know that 30 years ago they were used as guinea pigs while cheering at Camp Randall Stadium to help create facial recognition technology through a UW-Madison grant from the Dept of Defense Applied Research Agency (DARPA). Visitors to the UW campus today will no doubt “enjoy” the automated license plate readers (ALRPs) owned by Flock Safety. According to an Aug. 2025 Wisconsin Examiner expose, there are hundreds of Flock cameras across the state in use by law enforcements agencies, including WI County Sheriff Departments with active 287(g) cooperation agreements with ICE. No warrant is needed for law enforcement agencies to browse the national Flock database. In fact, agents have used Flock to track peaceful protesters, spy on spouses, and/or just stalk people they don’t like. To see where Flock cameras are near you, visit: www.deflock.me Of course, Flock Security has outsourced its AI programming to cheaper (and more secure?) Filipino contractors. Similar AI spying networks such as Pegasus have been widely exposed and have become “bread and butter” for authoritarian regimes from Israel to Saudi Arabia. China and Russia have their own versions (Skynet, SORM, etc.). Thanks to the cozy relationship between Pres. Trump and Peter Thiel, the U.S.-based AI mercenary outfit, Palantir, is now being re-deployed for domestic surveillance – first revealed by Edward Snowden back in 2017.

The latest executive bluster from Pres. Trump is that states’ rights are out the window when it comes to regulating AI data center – such federal preemption of local democratic control is part of the larger neoliberal “race to the bottom” forced trade agenda. But the cat is already out of the bag as dozens of communities have successfully blocked AI datacenter projects and others are poised to do the same based upon their winning strategies. Better yet, this is a bipartisan grassroots organizing issue!

What is the best way to keep out an AI factory farm? No non disclosure agreements (NDAs)! These are massive development schemes that could not exist without the approval and support of elected officials, so any agreement should not be secret. They can hardly claim to be providing a public good if they are not subject to transparency and oversight. No sweetheart deals! Big Data is among the wealthiest sectors of our current economy and does not need or deserve subsidies, discounted electric rates, tax increment financing, property tax holidays, or other incentives. It is a classic move of crony capitalism to privatize the benefits and socialize the costs. No regulatory loopholes! Given their huge demands for land, water, and energy, Big Data should not be allowed to cut legal corners and needs to follow all the rules of any other normal enterprise – full liability coverage, no special economic zones, consideration of cumulative impacts, protections for ratepayers, no unregulated toxic pollution or illegal water transfer in violation of the Clean Water Act or the Great Lakes Compact, etc. How much water your data center demands is hardly a “trade secret”…

And most important, don’t let Big Data boosters belittle your legitimate concerns as “neo-luddite!” Everyone uses technology – even the Amish. The real issue is whether or not AI data centers are economically viable, socially appropriate, environmentally sustainable, and actually serve the public interest. People have good reasons to be wary and oppose them on all those fronts.

For more info, checkout: Big Tech Unchecked: A Toolkit for Community Action

As well as the North Star Data Center Policy Toolkit

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Farmers Should Unite to Fight Unfair Trade Policies – President Donald Trump’s trade policies are hurting U.S. farmers

By: Anthony Pahnke, vice president of Family Farm Defenders and an Associate Professor of International Relations at San Francisco State University

Originally published by the Progressive, Dec. 16, 2025

2025 has been a tough year for farmers.

As if the perennial problems of price volatility and changing weather patterns were not enough, the Trump Administration’s trade war with China made matters worse. In the past year, grain farmers have seen their markets increasingly taken by their Brazilian counterparts. Even after reaching a deal to purchase American soy, China’s 13 percent tariff on the commodity will continue to hurt farmers’ pocketbooks. 

To make matters worse, the President’s decision to hike imports of Argentine beef into American markets instead of dedicating resources to build U.S. herds served yet another gut punch for farmers, who have also had to deal with higher prices for inputs like fertilizer. 

With their markets ruined, it is no wonder that farmers desperately await $12 billion in relief payments that President Donald Trump promised to send their way. But what they’d rather have is a fair price for the crops they’ve grown. As one farmer told Trump at a December 8 roundtable, “With this bridge payment, we’ll be able to farm another year.” But that’s not good enough for people who work year-in-and-year-out getting food onto our tables.

Mexican Farmers Blocking Highways – Dec. 2025 – Mexico Solidarity Media

Mexican producers, also facing economic problems, have recently taken to the streets to call for change. Since October, thousands of farmers have periodically blocked roads with their tractors around the country to demand fair prices, protect their water rights, and renegotiate the United States, Mexico, and Canada Agreement (USMCA). As in the case of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers strike this past October, free market reforms are the target. As such, this moment offers a chance for U.S. farmers to join their neighbors to the south, in seizing the opportunity to push back on free trade and encourage policymakers to support domestic markets.

Mexico isn’t the only country to witness mass farmer protests. Last year, farmers from around Europe protested falling prices, harsh environmental legislation, and free trade agreements. Before that, in 2020 and 2021, millions of Indian farmers marched to protest price-support policies in the face of their government’s attempts to deregulate markets. 

If there’s any doubt that farmers should fight to keep price protections and government programs, look no further than to the impact of free-market reforms on U.S. agriculture. From 1987 to 2022, under the original NAFTA trade agreement and its Trumpian replacement USMCA, implemented in 2020, about 200,000 farms left production. Meanwhile, according to the advocacy group, Farm Action, four companies came to control 90 percent, 80 percent and 70 percent of our nation’s cotton, corn, and seed markets, respectively. The Canadian-based Nutrien produced around 60 percent of potash fertilizer annually mined in North America.

With free-market policies driving people off the land and enriching corporations, farmers would benefit from USMCA reform.  

To start, as urged by the National Family Farm Coalition and the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, countries should not be required to ratify the 1991 Act of International Convention for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants. Currently part of the USMCA, this provision allows biotech firms to own seed patents, preventing farmers from saving, sharing, and growing their own. Removing this provision would give farmers freedom from consolidated seed markets.  

Next, re-installing Mandatory Country of Origin Labelling for beef would help consumers make informed decisions about the origins of their products. Increased market transparency could improve demand and put money into U.S. ranchers’ pockets. This policy has widespread support from groups including from the Farm Bureau.  

Part of the reason Trump turned NAFTA into the USMCA was to open Canadian markets to U.S. dairy exports. Expanding free trade has not helped U.S. producers. In Wisconsin, from 2014 to 2024, the state experienced a 46 percent decrease in the number of dairy farms and has lost 1,888 licensed dairy herds in the five years since the USMCA was implemented. Wisconsin also led the country in farm bankruptcies in 2020 and 2021. This time, leave Canadian farmers alone.

Our farming neighbors have had enough, marching to demand economic justice. Maybe U.S. farmers should join them, ensuring our government hears their demands and does not continue down the path of further farm consolidation and corporate monopolization. 

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Save the Date! Fri. Nov. 14th – Sat. Nov. 15th FFD Annual Meeting and John Kinsman Food Sovereignty Prize Award Ceremony in Madison, WI

Kickoff Event – Wisconsin Premiere Screening of the new Price of Milk film

Fri. Nov. 14th 5:30 – 8:00 pm UW-Madison’s Ag Hall, Rm 125 (1450 Linden Dr.) 

Followup Panelists include: Pete Hardin, editor of The Milkweed; Sarah Lloyd, former dairy farmer and National Dairy Board member and Supply Chain Specialist for UW Grassland 2.0; Dominique Brossard, Professor, Life Sciences Communication, UW Madison; and Sara Fletcher, Vice President Corporate Affairs, Oatly North America. Moderator: Jim Goodman, retired organic dairy farmer, Board Chair National Family Farm Coalition  Plus, post-film refreshments!

Sponsored by the UW-Madison Agroecology Program with support from Family Farm Defenders, Oatly, and Sub-Genre Media

Sat. Nov. 15th 8:00 am – 4:00 pm Best Western Plus Inntowner (2424 Univ. Ave.) FFD board retreat, including the FFD Annual Meeting starting at 12:00 noon CST 

FFD annual meeting will include officer reports, board elections, and discussion of past and future activities. Lunch provided – all members and allies welcome!

For those who would like to join us virtually for the FFD Annual Meeting, here is the Zoom link Meeting ID: 865 4279 0584
Passcode: 460890

Sat. Nov. 15th 5:30 – 8:30 pm John Kinsman Food Sovereignty Prize Award Banquet and Ceremony

UW-Madison, Pyle Center (702 Langdon St.) 

Closest parking is at State St. Campus Garage (430 N. Frances St.)

https://www.cityofmadison.com/parking/garages-lots/state-street-campus-garage

For those who would like to join us virtually, here is the Zoom link
Meeting ID: 879 7321 2436
Passcode: 686415

This year’s winners include: Sarah Leong and Patrick Hager (Squashington Farm – Mt. Horeb, WI); Hannah Scates Kettler and Kurtis Kettler (Minerva’s Meadows – State Center, IA) and Jess D’Souza (Wonderfarm – Mt. Horeb, WI)!

$35 suggested donation includes a buffet featuring WI local and native food. Advance payment preferred (online donation welcome!) RSVP requested – but no one will be turned away!

Keynote speaker:

Christine Neumann-Ortiz

Founding executive director of Voces de la Frontera

Those planning to attend from outside of Madison are encouraged to book rooms at the Best Western Plus Inntowner under the name of Family Farm Defenders for a discounted rate:  tel. 608-233-8778

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Farmers are in Trouble—Restructuring the USMCA Could Turn Things Around

New labeling requirements to ensure the integrity of domestic markets, as well as price guarantees tied to anti-dumping measures, could improve the economic prospects of producers amid our ongoing trade war.

By: Anthony Pahnke, FFD Vice President and Associate Professor of International Relations at San Francisco State University Originally Published by Common Dreams 9/17/2025

Farmers may be the proverbial “canaries in the coal mine” when it comes to the effects of US President Donald Trump’s grand tariff experiment.

Point in fact—corn and soy prices are experiencing precipitous falls in no small part due to tariffs that China has placed on US imports. Cotton prices are dropping for the same reason, as nearly 80% of this crop is destined for export and China slapped a 15% retaliatory tariff on it. Prices for pork and beef appear on a different trajectory, with the latter benefiting from domestic shortages. But even here, trouble is on the horizon as China has cut back on imports from the US. This, as Brazil is exporting more soy, beef, and cotton to China to replace what US farmers once sent. It is no coincidence that the percentage of farm income in 2025 coming from government payments—25%—is approaching the level it was at when the Covid-19 pandemic devastated markets in 2020. The $59 billion dedicated for farmers’ relief payments in the “One Big Beautiful Bill” is testament to the fact that the economic future of rural America appears bleak.

The economic challenges our farmers face places even more pressure on the upcoming United States-Mexico-Canada (USMCA) renegotiations. Even though set for next year, Mexico, Canada, and the US are already staking positions and signaling their intentions. Look no further than Mexico contemplating placing tariffs on Chinese imports, a move clearly meant to stay in the good, however fickle, graces of the Trump administration.

Looking out for US farmers, there are some concrete policies that a renegotiated USMCA could feature. Specifically, new labeling requirements to ensure the integrity of domestic markets, as well as price guarantees tied to anti-dumping measures, could improve the economic prospects of producers as they struggle to weather the uncertainty of our ongoing trade war.

The problem is that in the past, the Trump administration took the wrong approach for how to improve the situation of producers when dealing with our neighbors. Concretely, when Trump renegotiated the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) last time he was in office, besides rebranding it the USMCA, he also sought to open Canadian markets for US dairy exports.

Eking out marginal increases, those gains ultimately made no real improvement in the prices that farmers received. Proof of this is how dairy farmers have consistently struggled to stay in business, as we have witnessed a 25% nationwide decline from 2017 to 2023 in the number of licensed dairy herds. The recent uptick in dairy prices has nothing to do with USMCA, but instead to a reduction in feed costs and farmers cutting down their herds by selling heifers for beef.

Failing to finagle improved prices for farmers from changing exports, this time USMCA negotiations should focus on ensuring the integrity of markets.

The first step toward this would be for the US to reinstate Mandatory Country of Origin Labeling (MCOOL). Originally part of the 2002 Farm Bill before being removed after Canada and Mexico put pressure on the World Trade Organization (WTO), this program would make retailers disclose the origins of their products, including milk, dairy, meat, fish, and fruits, and vegetables. As such, MCOOL allows consumers to make informed purchasing decisions and choose our products instead of picking the cheapest goods of dubious quality that may come from abroad.

Such a change would assist ranchers particularly, as since Trump has taken office, Brazilian beef imports flooded US markets. And since the WTO has been paralyzed since Trump’s first term when he chose not to appoint judges to the institution’s appellate court, now MCOOL can return without opposition.

Next, pricing policies could be put in place to assure a decent income for farmers and prevent dumping.

The US has already made one move in this direction, placing a 17% tariff on tomato imports and accusing Mexican growers of dumping, that is, exporting goods into another market at below cost to drive competitors out of business.

Preventing dumping also cuts both ways, as when NAFTA was first introduced, US corn imports drove Mexican farmers out of business, into poverty, and then to cross the border. Accordingly, if Mexico wants to restrict the flow of some commodity south, such as corn, they should be allowed to.

To avoid a tit-for-tat battle, resolving this issue requires setting floor prices in some capacity. Like what they have already done with wages for automobile workers, negotiators could do the same for grains, as well as for livestock. They could also set limits on what comes from outside the trade bloc, like Mexico appears ready to do with China. The same could be done with Brazil and its beef, or perhaps with the many European countries that send billions of dollars of cheese a year into the US. Cheese is a critical element of dairy pricing, and decreasing imports could lead to more US production and better prices for farmers.

Farmers are known for their resiliency. At the same time, they can only take so much. Export-driven growth may sound like a good idea, but the reality has been different. A renegotiated USMCA that actually puts farmers first could turn things around and give producers a fighting chance to make a decent income and stay on the land.

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